Gaza "civilian" deaths include Hamas and other scumcrumpet terrorists working as medics, media

As Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) publicly claim their dead, fresh research reveals that many previously tallied as civilians were in fact members of these terrorist organizations. This discovery gravely undermines the persistent accusation that Israeli forces deliberately targeted civilians in Gaza.

Researchers who have scrutinized the death reports issued by the Hamas-run health ministry informed Fox News Digital that a rising number of those listed as "martyrs" have been exposed by the very groups themselves as terrorists, even though they publicly presented themselves as healthcare workers or media professionals.

Gabriel Epstein, a senior policy associate at the Israel Policy Forum, told Fox News Digital that he has tracked numerous individuals whom Hamas and PIJ named as martyrs killed in battle in Gaza, yet who held positions in the health sector, including within nongovernmental organizations.

Epstein identified several cases of individuals described as medical staff who were also active members of terrorist groups. Among the most striking revelations from these martyr lists is that of Fadi al-Wadiyya, a physiotherapist employed by Médecins sans frontières, who was killed by the Israel Defense Forces in June 2024. MSF responded to his death by declaring that they were "outraged" and "strongly condemn[ed] the killing of our colleague."

When the IDF asserted that al-Wadiyya was a member of PIJ, MSF stated they had "no prior knowledge" of his "alleged involvement in military activities" and that they had "not received any formal explanation" of "the circumstances of his killing."

Yet a Telegram account claiming to represent the media reserve for the Al-Quds Brigades posted a mourning notice for al-Wadiyya’s martyrdom on Feb. 24, in which the physiotherapist is listed as an assistant to the military manufacturing unit of PIJ’s Al-Quds Brigades.

Fox News Digital inquired of MSF whether they had been aware of al-Wadiyya’s connections to PIJ before this martyr announcement. A spokesperson replied, "We would not knowingly employ people engaging in military activity" as it "would pose a danger to our staff and patients by compromising our neutrality."

The spokesperson added that "MSF had no indication that Fadi Al Wadiya might have been involved in military activity of any kind prior to the Israeli authorities’ online posts in June 2024. In the immediate aftermath of Al-Wadiya's killing, we asked for explanations from the Israeli authorities, but never received an official response. If the Israeli authorities were aware of Al-Wadiya's links with militant activities, they never shared this info with us until after he was killed. To this day, the only information they shared and that we are aware of is what was shared through public social media posts."

The IDF subsequently banned MSF operations in Gaza from the beginning of March, after the organisation refused to supply a list of its Palestinian employees. When Fox News Digital asked whether MSF would now consider providing such a list to the IDF, the spokesperson answered, "We did not share our staff lists with Israel because we did not receive concrete assurances to ensure the safety of our staff or the independent management of our operations. This is a place where humanitarian workers have frequently been detained, attacked, and killed. We have a responsibility to protect our colleagues from harm."

Epstein detailed several other instances of healthcare workers who held prominent roles in terror groups.

Mohammed Akram Abdullah al-Kafarna was mourned on the Palestinian Nursing and Midwifery Association’s Facebook page as the nursing supervisor at Kamal Adwan Hospital, and by the Institute for Palestine Studies as head of the Gaza nursing system. Yet a Telegram account listing members of Hamas’ elite Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades describes al-Kafarna as one of Beit Hanoun’s "Qassam Martyrs."

Ayman Suleiman Aliyan Abu Tayr was listed as martyred in Khan Younis in June 2025. The Institute for Palestine Studies identifies him as a nurse and head of the clinical nutrition department at Nasser Hospital. According to a Telegram account linked to PIJ’s Al-Quds Brigades, however, Abu Tayr served as a Commander in the Central Operations Unit of the Al-Quds Brigades.

Jaber Abdulhamid Diab Mohammedin was mourned on the Palestinian Ministry of Health General Directorate of Nursing’s Facebook page as an Intensive Care Unit nurse at the Al-Rantisi Specialized Children’s Hospital. A Telegram account linked to the Islamic Jihad Movement identifies Mohammedin as a commander in the military manufacturing unit of the PIJ’s Al-Quds Brigade.

Nidal Jaber Abdulfattah al-Najjar is described by the Institute for Palestine Studies as an administrator at the Palestinian Ministry of Health, while a Facebook mourner noted his work at Al-Rantisi Children’s Hospital. A Telegram account bearing Hamas’ distinctive red triangle labels him a martyr commander of Hamas’ Al-Radwan Battalion.

Salo Aizenberg, director of the media watchdog group HonestReporting, told Fox News Digital that he is tracking at least 10 "virtually indisputable" examples of journalists who were in reality combatants, operating alongside Hamas and other terrorist groups.

David Adesnik, vice president of research for the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, told Fox News Digital that he too has followed these disclosures. "With PIJ, the number of commanders who operated with civilian cover is striking," Adesnik said. "We’re at a point where the evidence indicates that this duplicity was a routine part of a strategy to infiltrate civilian organisation, especially humanitarian ones. This provides access and protection while ensuring outrage when these supposed humanitarians are killed."

Adesnik observed that he believes it "likely that Hamas also employed this strategy in a systematic way, but right now we mainly have the PIJ disclosures. Given that Hamas is many times larger, if it were to disclose this kind of information, the effects could easily ripple across the humanitarian sector in Gaza."

Among the cases Aizenberg monitors are those involving media workers. He emphasised that his list relies "solely on admissions by those groups and other Gazan sources," and "does not include the many additional examples identified through Israeli evidence."

Though the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) cites Yacoup Al-Borsch as a journalist and the executive director of Namaa Radio, Aizenberg has uncovered "numerous social media posts and martyr notices identifying him as a fighter and ‘mujahid.’" These include a Facebook post from an account affiliated with the Al-Omari Mosque in Jabalia.

Ahmed Abu Sharia was a freelancer who contributed to outlets such as Iranian Tasnim News Agency, according to CPJ. Yet the "official" Telegram site of the Mujahideen Brigades, the military wing of the Palestinian Mujahideen movement, identifies him as a member of the Mujahideen Brigades.

Rizq Abu Shakian was a "media worker and administrator for the pro-Hamas Palestine Now Agency," per CPJ. Shakian also appears in Hamas uniform on a Telegram site sharing images of Palestinian martyrs. Aizenberg’s research confirms he was a member of the Al-Qassam Brigades.

When asked whether CPJ would update its listings of journalists claimed as terror affiliates, the organization directed Fox News Digital to its policy, which states, "CPJ has a long-standing policy of updating its data and the accompanying narrative accounts without issuing formal corrections as new information becomes available over time. In certain cases, a record may be removed from public view when new information leads CPJ to determine that a case falls outside its mandate or for security concerns, such as the safety of the journalist and their family. CPJ will publicly record when it has removed a journalist from the database for a reason outside of security concerns."

As the fragile ceasefire in Gaza persists, analysts stress the importance of rigorously examining the war’s casualties. Epstein noted that "reviewing cases of militants who held dual civilian roles in key sectors like media, healthcare and education is important for the historical record and underscores the information limitations press, government, and analysts face in real time during conflict." He added that "over time, militant identification can give a sense of just how deep Hamas, PIJ and other militant groups' hold over key sectors in Gaza was."

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Hamas lowers Gaza death toll on the down-low

Last month, Hamas performed a sleight of hand that would make even the most cynical propagandist blush, quietly erasing thousands of deaths from its war casualty count—including over a thousand children it had loudly accused Israel of slaughtering. This, according to a report from a media watchdog that has grown weary of the terror group’s endless charade, released on Monday.

“Hamas’s new March 2025 fatality list quietly drops 3,400 fully ‘identified’ deaths listed in its August and October 2024 reports – including 1,080 children,” wrote Salo Aizenberg, a board member of Honest Reporting, with the precision of a man who’s had enough of lies masquerading as statistics. “These ‘deaths’ never happened. The numbers were falsified – again.” It’s not a revelation so much as a confirmation of what anyone with a shred of intellectual honesty already suspected: Hamas doesn’t deal in truth; it deals in narrative.

Aizenberg, with the patience of a prosecutor dismantling a flimsy alibi, lays bare Hamas’s habit of inflating casualty figures like some grotesque parody of wartime accounting.

Early in the conflict, they claimed 471 people were killed in an IDF airstrike on Al-Ahli Hospital—a number swallowed whole by a credulous global press. The reality? An errant Palestinian Islamic Jihad rocket had landed in the hospital parking lot, wounding a handful. Those “victims” were later scrubbed from the list, as if no one would notice the disappearing act.

In March, Hamas announced that Gaza’s death toll from this 18-month war had breached 50,000—a figure trumpeted across the world’s newsrooms to Israel’s predictable vilification. They’ve also clung to the claim that 70% of the dead are women and children, a statistic so perfectly engineered to inflame outrage that it’s almost admirable in its cynicism. It’s the kind of accusation that fuels genocide charges against the IDF, while the accusers sit smugly atop their edifice of half-truths.

But Aizenberg and his team, poring over Hamas’s PDF-disseminated lists of names and ages, uncovered a less convenient picture. Among those aged 13-55—combatant age, by any reasonable measure—72% were male. And of the teen deaths, 65% of those aged 13-17 were boys, a detail that points to Hamas’s use of child soldiers. 

This isn’t speculation; it’s arithmetic. Deploying minors in combat violates international law, but don’t expect the UN to muster much indignation over that.

The world’s media, meanwhile, dutifully recite figures from the Gazan Health Ministry without a whisper of skepticism—never mind that it’s run by Hamas, a belligerent in the conflict and thus about as impartial as a fox guarding a henhouse. 

Hamas doesn’t distinguish between fighters and civilians in its tallies, and it has scarcely acknowledged the deaths of its own gunmen in battles with the Israeli army. Instead, it sweeps everyone into the count—combatants, non-combatants, even those who died of natural causes like old age. The report estimates 8,300 of these “war victims” were just that: natural deaths, consistent with Gaza’s pre-war averages. It’s a grimly absurd inflation, but not a surprising one.

The IDF, for its part, has tracked the enemy combatants its forces have killed, putting the number at 20,000. That leaves a civilian-to-combatant death ratio of roughly one-to-one—an astonishingly low figure in the annals of warfare, where five-to-one is considered par for the course. 

This isn’t the indiscriminate carnage Hamas and its cheerleaders describe; it’s a military operation conducted with a precision that defies the chaos of urban conflict. In fact, the one-to-one ratio is the lowest recorded in human history.

Aizenberg, however, isn’t buying the notion that this latest revision makes Hamas a credible source. “Is the March 2025 list suddenly credible? No. Dropping names does not equal accuracy,” he writes, with a tone that suggests he’s tired of stating the obvious. “Hamas’ Ministry of Health was never reliable,” he adds, calling their stab at transparency “Managed fakery, dressed up as precision.” 

The verdict is damning: “From day one, Hamas has gamed the fatality data.” This isn’t their first foray into statistical fiction, nor will it be their last.

Here we are, then, in a world where a terror group’s lies are laundered through respectable headlines, where Israel is perpetually cast as the villain, and where the truth is an afterthought. Hamas falsifies, the press amplifies, and the cycle of moral blackmail rolls on. It’s not just a war of bullets and bombs—it’s a war of numbers, and Hamas knows exactly how to play it.

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