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| Happy-Go-Lucky Ahmad Vahidi |
After the US-Israeli airstrikes had shaken the very foundations of Iran’s leadership and left dozens of its top officials dead in the opening phase of the conflict, one figure emerged from the shadows to seize control of the Islamic Republic. This was no moderate reformer or reluctant pragmatist, but a terrorist and opportunist in waiting who had long prepared for such a moment.
Major General Ahmad Vahidi, the happy-go-lucky commander of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, gathered his inner circle and assumed direction of both the military campaign and the negotiating effort. Analysts noted the shift immediately. As soon as Vahidi, now a spritely 67, and his allies took charge, Iran hardened its position still further.
Officials refused outright to join peace talks with the United States this week, while Tehran intensified its attacks on vessels attempting to pass through the Strait of Hormuz.
Vahidi, long sanctioned by the West and tied to terror attacks in Argentina, embodies the most extreme faction within the regime, so don't let his religious zabiba [A zabiba (Arabic for "raisin") is a dark, hardened callus on the forehead of some Muslims, known as a prayer bump or "devout sign"] make you think otherwise.
Vahidi, long sanctioned by the West and tied to terror attacks in Argentina, embodies the most extreme faction within the regime, so don't let his religious zabiba [A zabiba (Arabic for "raisin") is a dark, hardened callus on the forehead of some Muslims, known as a prayer bump or "devout sign"] make you think otherwise.
He has pushed aside Tehran’s so-called moderates, including those nominally leading negotiations with America. Even if Washington were somehow to extract a deal from Iran’s delegation, that agreement would carry no weight so long as Vahidi and his hardliner scumcrumpets remain the true power behind the throne. And with the gay junior Ayatollah laid up uni-legged, and probably looking like ten miles of bad road, there is nobody else running things for the regime.
Vahidi had commanded Iran’s goose-stepping, Hitler-esque elite Quds Force in the 1990s. In that role he laid the groundwork for Iranian influence across the Middle East before passing the position to the terror mastermind, the late but not forgotten Qasem Soleimani. Together, Vahidi and Soleimani helped create the network of proxies that now stretches from Lebanon to Yemen, most notably the Hezbollah terrorist group.
Vahidi had commanded Iran’s goose-stepping, Hitler-esque elite Quds Force in the 1990s. In that role he laid the groundwork for Iranian influence across the Middle East before passing the position to the terror mastermind, the late but not forgotten Qasem Soleimani. Together, Vahidi and Soleimani helped create the network of proxies that now stretches from Lebanon to Yemen, most notably the Hezbollah terrorist group.
Unlike the last two IRGC chiefs, Vahidi moved comfortably between the military and political worlds. He served as defense minister and interior minister under different administrations. Last December the now dead Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei appointed him deputy chief of the IRGC. When Khamenei and former IRGC Chief Mohammad Pakpour were killed in US-Israeli strikes on 28 February, Vahidi rose to the top like a log in a cesspool, if you know what I mean.
The question that now hangs over Tehran is simple: who is really in charge in Iran?
Following Khamenei’s death, Vahidi championed the late leader’s unimpressive gay son, Mojtaba Khamenei, as successor, despite reports that the old ayatollah had never intended him for the role due to his embarassing sexual taste and less than desired cognitive abilities.
Mojtaba was injured in the 28 February strikes and has not been seen in public since. Khosro Isfahani, research director for the Washington-based National Union for Democracy an Iran think tank, offered a blunt assessment.
“If Mojtaba is alive, and that is a big if, he is just a sock puppet. He is the first AI-generated supreme leader in human history,” Isfahani told The Post, referencing the fake photos the regime had posted of Mojtaba following his appointment. “He has zero political capital, zero public support, and zero sway over the decision-making. The regime has and will continue attributing statements to him,” Isfahani added.
Vahidi’s grip on the negotiating team became unmistakable when he installed Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr, an IRGC veteran and secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, into the delegation earlier this month. Zolghadr’s task, according to the Institute for the Study of War, was to ensure the team followed the IRGC’s hardline instructions. He fulfilled that role with ruthless efficiency. When Foreign Affairs Minister Abbas Araghchi appeared to hint at possible concessions in the first round of talks, Zolghadr promptly reported him.
“Zolghadr sent a complaint to senior IRGC leaders, almost certainly including Vahidi, that Araghchi had surpassed his mandate during the negotiations by expressing flexibility regarding Iran’s support for the Axis of Resistance,” the ISW said of the initial peace talks. “Zolghadr’s anger caused senior leaders in Tehran, including former IRGC Intelligence Organization Chief and long-time member of Mojtaba’s inner circle, Hossein Taeb, to call the negotiating delegation back to Tehran,” the think tank added.
Iran’s delegation has still not returned to Pakistan to resume talks with the United States. The message is clear. Vahidi and his allies, not the diplomats or the figurehead supreme leader, now dictate the course of the Islamic Republic. The regime’s most extreme elements hold the reins, and they show no intention of loosening their grip as they continue to get their butts kicked by US and Israeli forces.
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“If Mojtaba is alive, and that is a big if, he is just a sock puppet. He is the first AI-generated supreme leader in human history,” Isfahani told The Post, referencing the fake photos the regime had posted of Mojtaba following his appointment. “He has zero political capital, zero public support, and zero sway over the decision-making. The regime has and will continue attributing statements to him,” Isfahani added.
Vahidi’s grip on the negotiating team became unmistakable when he installed Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr, an IRGC veteran and secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, into the delegation earlier this month. Zolghadr’s task, according to the Institute for the Study of War, was to ensure the team followed the IRGC’s hardline instructions. He fulfilled that role with ruthless efficiency. When Foreign Affairs Minister Abbas Araghchi appeared to hint at possible concessions in the first round of talks, Zolghadr promptly reported him.
“Zolghadr sent a complaint to senior IRGC leaders, almost certainly including Vahidi, that Araghchi had surpassed his mandate during the negotiations by expressing flexibility regarding Iran’s support for the Axis of Resistance,” the ISW said of the initial peace talks. “Zolghadr’s anger caused senior leaders in Tehran, including former IRGC Intelligence Organization Chief and long-time member of Mojtaba’s inner circle, Hossein Taeb, to call the negotiating delegation back to Tehran,” the think tank added.
Iran’s delegation has still not returned to Pakistan to resume talks with the United States. The message is clear. Vahidi and his allies, not the diplomats or the figurehead supreme leader, now dictate the course of the Islamic Republic. The regime’s most extreme elements hold the reins, and they show no intention of loosening their grip as they continue to get their butts kicked by US and Israeli forces.
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